(P1)
The voice of my country calls, and I must obey; the voice of
humanity
speaks and I cannot remain deaf to its importunities. The spirit
of right and the question of human government have ever been, and are
today,
the most important theme which can occupy the mind of the
philanthropist
statesman, or orator; and today I am called upon to witness the
threatened
overthrow of that which it was supposed would be the greatest boon ever
bestowed upon a nation and its posterity.
(P2)
The question involved does not so much concern the forms of law
and
functions of government, as their application to the requirements of
the
people; and this should enlist the attention not merely of monarchists
and diplomatists, but of all who have the welfare of humanity at heart.
Scare a century ago, those who gained the battle of liberty
supposed
that a propitious providence smiled upon their exertions to redress the
real or supposed injuries of their countrymen, and to give them the
privilege,
due to their intelligence and vigor, of controlling their own
political
affairs.
(P3)
Separated by a vast expanse of water from the parent government, the
rights
belonging to that government being perverted by the baseness and
treachery
of a monarch who cared nothing for the real interests of his distant
subjects,
it was not at all unnatural that minds accustomed to think and act on
such
topics for themselves, should desire to drive out a system of
mal-administration
destructive of the freedom and happiness of the Colonies.
(P4)
Liberty, it is true-- but a liberty which should bind them body and
soul
to the interchange of mutual favors and concessions, without giving any
ruler the power to deprive them of their right; this was the vital
principle
underlying the struggle of 1776. It is the same question which
now
calls for the decision of the people, and the same instrument in which
its leading ideas were proclaimed to the world has been subjected to
the
basest misconstruction on the part of those who seek, at this time to
deprive
the people of their legitimate rights.
(P5)
The right of the people to throw off allegiance to the government
has been declared by all statesmen and historians to be limited to the
following conditions:
1st.---When said
government
shall so far raise itself above the people as to promulgate laws which
that people have but no voice in raising.
2nd.---When laws made by
the
voice of the people are executed in the spirit of oppression and
tyranny.
3rd.---When the monarch
refuses
to allow laws rightfully made to go into execution at all.
(P6)
Under these circumstances, any people have the right to resist
oppression;
first, by remonstrance and appeal, and, if these prove unavailing, by
forcible
opposition and revolution.
(P7)
The theory or a monarchial government is based upon the legitimate
right
of kings to the obedience of their subjects; the notion of divine right
being in this age, exploded. It was supposed that the security
for
the success of the new nation was threefold.
1st.---the intelligence
and
probity of the citizens ;
2nd.---their distance from
the
seat of the oppressive power,
3rd.---the fundamental
soundness
of the system of government which they proposed to establish.
(P8)
While I do not deny that every subject owes allegiance to the
Government
which protects him still, when that
Government
takes the form of tyranny, he may ignore its power altogether;
and
this I conceive to have been the position of these colonies. It
was
thought by them, whether truly or not, that the people could better
understand
their own requirements, than a remote and dissolute monarch [ed.
George
III England], who had no knowledge of their characters, and no
interest
in them, save as connected with their valuable sources of revenue.
(P9)
Therefore, the war of 1776, was predicated, first, upon the voice, and
interests, and happiness of this people; secondly, upon the truths of
which
were supposed to lie at the foundation of their government; and
thirdly,
upon the success which such government must meet with, if managed with
intelligence and probity.
(P10)
For the democracy which was here to be the ruling power, was not that
untamable
and capricious monster which, in other countries, has so often
shattered
the fair fabric of Liberty, by its selfish contentions, but the voice
of
a people morally, intellectually and spiritually raised above the reach
of lawless ambition and anarchical strife; and, therefore, it was
confidently
assumed that a government so founded could not but succeed and
flourish,
more and more, as generation after generation should spring up, each an
improvement on its predecessor. Today, it shows far otherwise; but
before
passing to the present state of things, let us point out the meaning of
the instrument which declares the purpose of the leaders and founders
of
your government.
(P11)
While we appreciate the honor that surrounds the name of Washington,
his
proved worth and integrity, it is not to be supposed, that, as an
individual,
he was by any means the author of the principles upon which this
government
is predicated. On the contrary, those who were retired from public
observation
were perhaps the real framers and leaders in bringing forth and
manufacturing
the means which he employed with such success, and in directing his
movements
toward the final triumph. Personally, it has been attributed that we
had
much to do with framing the Declaration of Independence, but such is
not
the case; for the leaders of public sentiment were requested each to
frame
and present to Congress a document which should convey his ideas of the
causes and predicates of the existing revolution; and the majority were
to choose from these the one which most clearly expressed the vows of
the
representatives of the people; and it has been said that we framed the
greater part of the document; but such is not literally the case; the
authors
were numerous; and among the most prominent, in fact the real author of
the Declaration of Independence, was the author of the "Rights of Man'
and the ' Age of Reason," than whom, with due deference to
religious
prejudices, be it said, a sounder statesman and diplomatist never
lived.
In spite of all bigoted denunciations, the works he wrote remains to
this
day uncontroverted, and the principles which he embodied in the "Rights
of Man" are found concentrated in your Declaration of Independence. All
the statesmen and diplomatists of your country have since adopted his
method
and style of conversation and correspondence, as most proper for a
democratic
people.
(P12) We are not going to talk
upon religion, but
we propose
to show that morality is not bigotry; this was the conception of the
founders
of your government; this is your conception today. Morality has been
growing
among you; prejudice and bigotry have been disappearing as education
and
intelligence have advanced. Democracy means, in a distinct sense,
the voice of the people; and while it is supposed by fanatics that the
authors of the Declaration intended to refer to a certain class,
known as slaves, they are much in error. It was in behalf of the
free people of the colonies, then sought to be subjected to British
tyranny,
that the document was composed, in order to show the Christian world
that
we knew what ground we stood upon. Prisoners and chattels of
course,
were not included in that Declaration. Slavery was then a British
institution,
entailed upon the colonies, with which the founders of our liberty
desired
to have nothing to do, and which was not referred to in that manifesto
of a free, enlightened people; and it is worse than absurd to attribute
to its founders such madness. While its principles are Catholic,
they are the same time conservative; and its expressions were
prompted
by the needs of the people, and the predicates of the government which
they wished to found. The perversion of the sense of that
document
can only be attributed to fanaticism, whether of one extreme or the
other.
(P13)
There is but one way of securing a democratic form of government; (I
dislike
the word republican, for it sounds like fanaticism, and prefer
democratic,
because it sounds like the blended 'voices of the vast mass of
intelligent
freemen) and that is by observation the will of the great body who
select
representatives. Again, much is said about the clause of the
Declaration
which affirms that all men are born free and equal.
Well,
now, of course in the literal interpretation of the terms, all men are
not born equal-- rich and poor are not equal; a child cradled in luxury
is not like a child of poverty, the latter may surpass the former in
intelligence
and worth. There is not an equality in the worth of individuals,
as compared with each other; but as compared with the government under
which they live, the rights of one are as important as the rights of
another;
and therefore, if the rights of any one are neglected he claims the
protection
of government, and if the government fails, then, of course, in
consequence
of their equality, all men are born free and equal. We
meant, not that the negro slave was the equal of the white man, who can
understand the principals of freedom; nor that the wild Indian, the
Malay,
or Hindoo, could comprehend our forms of government, though perhaps
they
are superior to the white race in some respects; but that all men,
according
to their condition, other things being equal, are free, politically;
that
the man who toils the soil, if honest and just, is equal to a king in
that
degree, and may be equal in intellect, though his abilities have not
the
same scope. Therefore, a day laborer and the man who fills the
highest
office in the State are equal, if both are able to govern
themselves.
Therefore was the assertion made, that all men are born free and
equal.
Again, interpolation, false representation, and fanatical renderings of
the purport of the Declaration have been based on the clause which says
that all men have the "right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness."
(P14)
Unquestionably, according to all rules of government every man owes his
life, liberty and opportunities of happiness to the government under
which
he was born; therefore the predicate of the assertion was, that every
man
who binds himself to absurd laws which he has had a voice in framing,
has
a better security for life, liberty and happiness, than another who is
controlled by laws he had no share in making. Therefore it is
conceded
by all enlightened people, that a man cannot lawfully deprive himself
of
his own life; therefore a man's life is not his own, literally
speaking,
nor can he sell himself absolutely into bondage to another man, and the
contract be a legal one. The pursuit of happiness is what every
one
is joining in as the object and aim of life; and happiness is mostly
conferred
by doing good to others; consequently any gain of happiness through
pure
selfishness is truly impossible. When a man belongs to a
government
under which he is prompted to devote all his thoughts to the welfare of
others, he is happiest. This is what is meant by the clause
referred
to. You comprehend that a man who is free, in the one sense of
being
unrestrained by any moral, religious or social obligation, is, in fact,
of all men the most enslaved, because he is constantly in fear of death
and disappointment, and because he does not know what his liberty
means.
The man in a well governed community, who has the most obligations to
discharge,
is the most free. Laws of any sort do not hurt him, for he is willing
to
be bound by them for the sake of the benefits they confer on society at
large. Therefore, the term Liberty, as applied to your Union,
means
the mutual compact of its people, for the sake of mutual protection.
(P15)
I have always had confidence in the voice of that number of people who
can so understand and control themselves, as to make laws and abide by
them. I still have confidence in the hearts of and minds of a
people
who have, through long experience, example and precept, known the
benefit
arising from such a state of things; and I know that, at this day
another
nation does not exist, so moral, virtuous and intelligent as that of
the
United States of America.
(P16)
I therefore know that the voice of the majority of your people
will
be the voice of the highest morality and the best wisdom in the world;
and that no power of oppression or tyranny can ever avail to uproot the
principals engendered by the Constitution, or the methods of thought
and
feeling to which you have become accustomed. The knowledge
you have gained cannot be destroyed, and it is out of the power of any
class of fanatics to destroy the force of that sterling integrity which
exists in this country.
(P17)
I have the greatest confidence in the people. I know them to be
filled
with honor and integrity. I know, also that there are corrupt,
fanatical
and bigoted men among them; and more in proportion than elsewhere,
because
of the greater freedom to propagate their doctrines. But I know
that
the great voice of this people is a democratic voice; a voice of unity
and harmony, predicated upon inevitable principals which were in
operation
nearly a century ago; and its results clearly demonstrate to my mind,
that,
however certain sections, through diversity of interests, may have
outgrown
the bonds of union, still the nation itself is fixed; and all I have to
deplore is, that strife which is born of hot and angry contentions, and
that an instrument intended to answer purposes of enduring harmony
should
be perverted to purposes of war.
(P18) I
assure you the Declaration has no
more to
do with the present state of things in your country than has the
constitution
of France or Italy. It has grown out of a diversity of sectional
and moneyed interests; and from such fanaticism, on the one side, and
such
deep bigotry on the other, as have plunged the nation almost into ruin.
(P19)
In time, these parties must either exterminate each other, or become
awakened
to a sense of their mistakes, while the great body of the nation will
not
be harmed. We venture to affirm that the Declaration of
Independence
has always been considered as belonging exclusively to the people who
were
to be governed by its principals; not to any outside nation, nor to any
far-off interest; it had nothing to do with this question of slavery,
for
it made no reference to the African, any more than to the Indian or
Malay.
It has to do solely with the people who were to be controlled by the
consequence
of victory on their side; with that class of enlightened minds who were
to form the foundation of the government; and it is the same
today.
If you can benefit the African, or any other alien race, it is your
duty
to do so; but to introduce any outside people into our midst and make
them
a bone of contention among us, is entirely beside the question; and the
consideration of slavery should be excluded from your legislation
altogether.
In this it should be simply recognized, as an institution engrafted on
our social system by the British government and people who now seek to
evade their responsibility in the matter by repudiating their own
offspring---
American slavery. I would place that responsibility where it
justly
belongs, and not seek to deface the character of your forefathers with
so vile a stain, as is implied by making it the stake for which the
nation's
safety is to be imperiled. I blush to acknowledge that there are
those in your country who have so little regard to patriotic duty as to
introduce into the national councils, a question so outside of, and
beyond
the pale, even, of rightful recognition. So long as it may exist
as a sectional institution, it should not be allowed to interfere with
the proper administration of the laws; it should not be made a question
of discussion; its morality should not be thought of in connection with
government. Let fanatics, and those who have nothing else to do,
meddle with the question. It is an institution which will finally
destroy itself; or, if not, will do no harm. But let not the high
class of politicians who fill your offices of trust interfere with the
subject. It may serve the purposes of those who never have filled
and never will fill any important offices; who do nothing but talk; for
philanthropists and moralists, who become fascinated with peculiar
"ism,"
and follow nothing else, until it is exhausted; but it will not do for
anybody who feels that he belongs, as a citizen, statesman, or
executive
officer, to a community which is so sincerely and necessarily
conservative
as, in the main, this is. It is not that things may not require
amendment,
but that they should not be amended by fanaticism, or selfishness, or
anarchy.
Let those remember, who talk so loudly of honor, justice, and liberty,
that this nation owes its success to the integrity and conservatism of
the people, and that, if these are destroyed, the nation is destroyed
with
them, and the life of the tree of liberty sapped out. The
conservatism
of a free and enlightened people is always its strongest
safeguard.
There are always those in sufficient number who aim to discover new
truths,
and explore the regions of transcendental philosophy; but it is for the
government to discuss national questions in a spirit of conservatism,
sobriety,
and wisdom, and never to introduce such elements as are calculated to
set
a seal of death upon its very foundation.
(P20)
Practical common sense is the only means of success for the American
people;
and the voice and election of the democracy constitute forever the
principles
upon which this nation depends. You will never find safety
outside
of that; and less than that will not answer the purpose. Liberty
is too rare; justice too seldom found; and integrity, so harmoniously
developed,
too dear to be trifled with; and cherished sentiments are too firmly
fixed
upon the rock of justice to be shaken by the denunciation of a mock
Christianity,
or by the efforts of those who seek by fire, sword and howling to
precipitate the people into bloodshed and rebellion. Therefore,
may
Peace, Justice and Integrity be yours; and never forget that principle
upon which is formed the nation's integrity, honor and brilliancy; the
voice of the people, which is my people; of the country which is my
country,
and my home. END
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Thomas Jefferson
Stated principal author of the Declaration of
Independence
& 3rd President of the United States
Born: April 13, 1743 N.S. Albemarle County,
Virginia
Died: July 4, 1826 in Monticello in Virginia
Thomas Paine
Actual Author of the Declaration of Independence
1776
Read his work: Common Sense, his
pro-independence
monograph published anonymously January 10, 1776
& THE RIGHT'S OF MAN
1791,
for the true author of The D. of I.
Born: January 29, Thetford
England
1737
Died: June 8th, 1809 at 59 Grove Street in
Greenwich
Village, NYC USA
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
Side Notes:
THOMAS JEFFERSON was
THOMAS PAINE's
closest friend. Paine, sent to America from England
by
Benjamin Franklin, held a grand vision for society and was staunchly
anti-slavery,
also one of the first to advocate a world peace organization and social
security for the poor and elderly. But his radical views on
religion
would destroy his success.
"All national institutions of religion appear to
me no
other than human inventions, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and
to monopolise power and profit."-- --"What is that we have learned,
from
this pretending thing called religion? Nothing that is useful to
man and everything that is dishonouring to his Creator" -- Thomas Paine
1794 ‘The Age of Reason’
In the second part of The Age of Reason, Paine
writes
about his illness and the fever he suffered while in prison. ". . . I
was
seized with a fever that in its progress had every symptom of becoming
mortal, and from the effects of which I am not recovered. It was then
that
I remembered with renewed satisfaction, and congratulated myself most
sincerely,
on having written the former part of 'The Age of Reason.'" The content
of the work can be briefly summarized in this quotation:
The opinions I have advanced…
are the
effect of the most clear and long-established conviction that the Bible
and the Testament are impositions upon the world, that the fall of man,
the account of Jesus Christ being the Son of God, and of his dying to
appease
the wrath of God, and of salvation by that strange means, are all
fabulous
inventions, dishonorable to the wisdom and power of the Almighty; that
the only true religion is Deism, by which I then meant, and mean now,
the
belief of one God, and an imitation of his moral character, or the
practice
of what are called moral virtues—and that it was upon this only (so far
as religion is concerned) that I rested all my hopes of happiness
hereafter.
So say I now—and so help me God.
With regard to his religious views, in The Age
of Reason
(begun in France in 1793), Paine stated:
I do not believe in the creed
professed
by the Jewish church, by the Roman church, by the Greek church, by the
Turkish church, by the Protestant church, nor by any church that I know
of. My own mind is my own church.
All national institutions of
churches,
whether Jewish, Christian or Turkish, appear to me no other than human
inventions, set up to terrify and enslave mankind, and monopolize power
and profit.
He described himself as a "Deist" and commented:
How different is [Christianity]
to
the pure and simple profession of Deism! The true Deist has but one
Deity,
and his religion consists in contemplating the power, wisdom, and
benignity
of the Deity in his works, and in endeavoring to imitate him in
everything
moral, scientifical, and mechanical.
_______________________________________________________________________
AMERICA's TRUE AND HIGHER INTENT
For A Deeper Understanding And Further Reading:
Paine published an early anti-slavery tract he
wrote as
early as 1774, the most influential essay on aboliton of slavery
in Amerca;
African Slavery In America: http://www.thomaspaine.org/Archives/afri.html
FIND MORE TRANCE DISCOURSES BY PAINE & JEFFERSON et. al. on
theTHE
CORA L.V. RICHMOND.ARCHIVES
PAGE.click PAGE
On-Line Book: THOMAS PAINE'S THE
RIGHTS OF MAN http://12.164.81.10/paine/rights/index.htm
On-Line Book: THOMAS PAINE'S AGE
OF REASON http://12.164.81.10/paine/reason/index.htm
On-Line Book: THOMAS PAINE'S COMMON
SENSE http://12.164.81.10/paine/commonsense/index.htm
Other On-Line THOMAS PAINE Works & Brief
Biography: http://12.164.81.10/paine/index.htm
________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
